Thursday, May 31, 2012

The Electoral College versus Popular Vote

     Every presidential election year the question arises whether the electoral-college system for choosing presidents should be retained.  The recommended alternative is generally a straight nation-wide popular vote with selection to be either by plurality or majority, the second involving a run-off election in most cases because of third-party candidates on the ballot.  National run-off elections, aside from being too often dangerous, would be too clumsy for most Americans and in almost all cases would be pointless.  For example, in 1992 the popular vote went; Governor Bill Clinton, 43%; President George H. W. Bush, 38%; and Ross Perot, 19%, thus excluding the possibility of a final Perot victory as a practical matter.
     These results left no doubt whatever that the race was between Bush and Clinton, yet neither had a majority.  Likewise In almost any election year one or more third-party candidates could cause a pointless run-off, one recent exception being the year 2008 when Barack Obama received 53% of the popular vote.  Therefore, even if we do some day adopt a popular-vote method, only a plurality should be required.  In every case from the election of George Washington through that of Barack Obama the result would have been the same either way and the requirement of a majority would only have been a burdensome nuisance.  (The 1800 election of Thomas Jefferson was resolved in the House of Representatives).
     A national popular vote enjoys considerable popularity as a substitute for the electoral college.  A good recent year to examine it is the year 2000.  George W. Bush was declared the winner by the Supreme Court by an electoral vote of 271 to Al Gore's 266, following a furious fight over Florida's 27 electoral votes.  While the perception is widespread that the fury centered on Florida because of its large number of electors, the fact is that a switch from Bush to Gore in any state would have caused a win for Gore.  The only reason the battle centered on Florida instead of, say, Georgia  or Utah was that the margin of victory in Florida was so slight.  And this illustrates a serious problem with selection by popular vote because if that had been the method of selection the fight would have been nation-wide.  Everyone knew that Republican Utah and Democratic Massachusetts were not contested, but with a popular vote method every state would have been in play. In fact, states would have been irrelevant. One Republican vote in Massachusetts and one Democratic vote in Utah would have been as important as one vote in any other state.  Given all the possible charges of vote fraud, mistake, etc. we might have decided that a monarchy would be better. 
     While proportional allocation within a state to reflect that state's popular vote is somewhat attractive, and probably more so than a national popular vote, it too would invite more fury and delay in some years than the people could be, or should be, expected to tolerate. 
    
    
    

4 comments:

  1. The 2000 presidential election was an artificial crisis created because of Bush's lead of 537 popular votes in Florida. Gore's nationwide lead was 537,179 popular votes (1,000 times larger). Given the miniscule number of votes that are changed by a typical statewide recount (averaging only 274 votes); no one would have requested a recount or disputed the results in 2000 if the national popular vote had controlled the outcome. Indeed, no one (except perhaps almanac writers and trivia buffs) would have cared that one of the candidates happened to have a 537-vote margin in Florida.

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  2. Bush needed to win Florida to win with 271 electoral votes to Gore's 266. 270 were needed.

    Most Americans WANT every vote to matter equally.

    Most Americans don't care whether their presidential candidate wins or loses in their state. . . they care whether he/she wins the White House. Voters want to know, that even if they were on the losing side, their vote actually was directly and equally counted and mattered to their candidate. Most Americans think it's wrong for the candidate with the most popular votes to lose. We don't allow this in any other election in our representative republic.

    The National Popular Vote bill would guarantee the Presidency to the candidate who receives the most popular votes in all 50 states (and DC).

    Every vote, everywhere, would be politically relevant and equal in presidential elections. No more distorting and divisive red and blue state maps. There would no longer be a handful of 'battleground' states where voters and policies are more important than those of the voters in more than 3/4ths of the states that now are just 'spectators' and ignored after the primaries.

    When the bill is enacted by states possessing a majority of the electoral votes– enough electoral votes to elect a President (270 of 538), all the electoral votes from the enacting states would be awarded to the presidential candidate who receives the most popular votes in all 50 states and DC.

    The bill uses the power given to each state by the Founding Fathers in the Constitution to change how they award their electoral votes for President. Historically, virtually all of the major changes in the method of electing the President, including ending the requirement that only men who owned substantial property could vote and 48 current state-by-state winner-take-all laws, have come about by state legislative action.

    In Gallup polls since 1944, only about 20% of the public has supported the current system of awarding all of a state's electoral votes to the presidential candidate who receives the most votes in each separate state (with about 70% opposed and about 10% undecided). Support for a national popular vote is strong among Republicans, Democrats, and Independent voters, as well as every demographic group in virtually every state surveyed in recent polls in closely divided Battleground states: CO – 68%, FL – 78%, IA 75%, MI – 73%, MO – 70%, NH – 69%, NV – 72%, NM– 76%, NC – 74%, OH – 70%, PA – 78%, VA – 74%, and WI – 71%; in Small states (3 to 5 electoral votes): AK – 70%, DC – 76%, DE – 75%, ID – 77%, ME – 77%, MT – 72%, NE 74%, NH – 69%, NV – 72%, NM – 76%, OK – 81%, RI – 74%, SD – 71%, UT – 70%, VT – 75%, WV – 81%, and WY – 69%; in Southern and Border states: AR – 80%,, KY- 80%, MS – 77%, MO – 70%, NC – 74%, OK – 81%, SC – 71%, TN – 83%, VA – 74%, and WV – 81%; and in other states polled: AZ – 67%, CA – 70%, CT – 74%, MA – 73%, MN – 75%, NY – 79%, OR – 76%, and WA – 77%. Americans believe that the candidate who receives the most votes should win.

    The bill has passed 31 state legislative chambers in 21 states. The bill has been enacted by 9 jurisdictions possessing 132 electoral votes - 49% of the 270 necessary to go into effect.

    NationalPopularVote
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  3. The current state-by-state winner-take-all system of awarding electoral votes maximizes the incentive and opportunity for fraud and voter suppression. A very few people can change the national outcome by adding, changing, or suppressing a small number of votes in one closely divided battleground state. With the current system all of a state's electoral votes are awarded to the candidate who receives a bare plurality of the votes in each state. The sheer magnitude of the national popular vote number, compared to individual state vote totals, is much more robust against manipulation.

    National Popular Vote would limit the benefits to be gained by fraud or voter suppression. One suppressed vote would be one less vote. One fraudulent vote would only win one vote in the return. In the current electoral system, one fraudulent vote could mean 55 electoral votes, or just enough electoral votes to win the presidency without having the most popular votes in the country.

    The closest popular-vote election in American history (in 1960), had a nationwide margin of more than 100,000 popular votes. The closest electoral-vote election in American history (in 2000) was determined by 537 votes, all in one state, when there was a lead of 537,179 (1,000 times more) popular votes nationwide.

    For a national popular vote election to be as easy to switch as 2000, it would have to be two hundred times closer than the 1960 election--and, in popular-vote terms, forty times closer than 2000 itself.

    Which system offers voter suppressors or fraudulent voters a better shot at success for a smaller effort?"

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  4. Recounts are far more likely in the current system of state-by-state winner-take-all methods.

    The possibility of recounts should not even be a consideration in debating the merits of a national popular vote. No one has ever suggested that the possibility of a recount constitutes a valid reason why state governors or U.S. Senators, for example, should not be elected by a popular vote.

    The question of recounts comes to mind in connection with presidential elections only because the current system so frequently creates artificial crises and unnecessary disputes.

    We do and would vote state by state. Each state manages its own election and is prepared to conduct a recount.

    The state-by-state winner-take-all system is not a firewall, but instead causes unnecessary fires.

    Given that there is a recount only once in about 160 statewide elections, and given there is a presidential election once every four years, one would expect a recount about once in 640 years with the National Popular Vote. The actual probability of a close national election would be even less than that because recounts are less likely with larger pools of votes.

    The average change in the margin of victory as a result of a statewide recount was a mere 296 votes in a 10-year study of 2,884 elections.

    No recount would have been warranted in any of the nation’s 56 previous presidential elections if the outcome had been based on the nationwide count.

    The common nationwide date for meeting of the Electoral College has been set by federal law as the first Monday after the second Wednesday in December. With both the current system and the National Popular Vote, all counting, recounting, and judicial proceedings must be conducted so as to reach a "final determination" prior to the meeting of the Electoral College.

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